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ORATION 



DELIVERED BEFORE THE 



CITY COUNCIL AND CITIZENS 



BOSTON 



ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH ANNIVERSARY OF THE 
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 



JULY 4, 1892 



Hon. JOHN R. MURPHY 




BOSTON 

PRINTED BY ORDER OF THE ClTY COUNCIL 

1892 



CITY OF BOSTON 



In Board of Aldermen, July 6, 1892. 
Resolved : That the thanks of the City Council be ex- 
pressed to Hon. John R. Murphy for the patriotic and 
eloquent Oration delivered by him before the city author- 
ities on the Fourth of July, in commemoration of the One 
Hundred and Sixteenth Anniversary of American Indepen- 
dence ; and that he be requested to furnish a copy thereof 
for publication. 

Passed, unanimously, by a rising vote. Sent down for 

concurrence. 

John H. Lee, 

Ghairman. 

In Common Council, September 15, 1892. 

Concurred, unanimously. 

David F. Barry, 

President. 

Approved, September 17, 1892. 

John H. Lee, 

Acting Mayor. 
A true copy. 

Attest : 

J. M. Galvin, 

City Clerh. 



RATI N. 



Mr. Mayor and Fellow-Citizens : 

We honor to-day the birth of a nation which 
dates from the moment the immortal Declaration 
of Independence was given to the world, — the 
nation which, in the words of Lincoln, was born 
anew at Gettysburg. 

The world has seen the Magna Charta, the 
English constitution, and the contract signed in 
the cabin of the "Mayflower" while the weary 
Pilgrims lay in their storm-tossed bark off an 
unknown and rocky coast; but no document 
ever conceived by man has done so much for 
men, or has been so far-reaching in its beneficial 
results. Thirteen colonies, frail and weak, were 
at its birth ; a narrow line of a few millions of 
people along the Atlantic constituted the popu- 
lation ; the vast interior of the country a wilder- 
ness, peopled by " savage beasts and still more 
savage men." 

A little more than a century has gone by, 
yet how great and wondrous the change ! Forty- 



6 ORATION. 

four sovereign States, each almost an empire 
in extent, constitute a country continental in 
its territory, stretching from the coast of the 
Atlantic to the far-off sands of the Pacific. On 
her vast inland lakes and rivers, and on the 
ocean, float the products of her children's skill, 
industry, and labor. The country is the granary 
of the world. 

Her children, nigh seventy millions in number, 
as one man, are full of joy that to-day, under 
the flag of their united country, they still enjoy 
the liberty of free government, purchased by the 
blood and patriotism of their revolutionary sires. 
Under the Constitution, which is the result of 
the declaration in Independence Hall July -4, 1776, 
all this has been accomplished. With some few 
amendments, the Constitution remains unchanged ; 
yet its elasticity is such that it governs as suc- 
cessfully to-day as it did at its birth, and it 
meets the requirements of seventy million people, 
as well as it did those of the few millions who 
saw the beginning of our free nation. 

Massachusetts has two proud pages of history 
on the bright record of her annals. She was 
the home of the Puritan. Here he lived and 
died. Within her borders stand the imperishable 
monuments of the Revolutionary valor of her sons, 



JULY 4, 1892. 7 

— Lexington, Concord, and Bunker Hill. The 
Puritan taught the way to freedom, and the 
blood of the patriot shed at Bunker Hill made 
our independence possible. The Puritans, it is 
true, were cold and illiberal, their faith intolerant 
of those who did not believe with them. They 
persecuted the Quaker and Catholic alike, and 
hanged witches. " Yet they built first a nation 
founded on men, where all had equal privileges, 
and the right to vote was universal." 

They built on a foundation indestructible — "the 
man, the home, and the town." The first town 
meeting was in the cabin of the " Mayflower," 
when the Pilgrims who landed on Plymouth 
Rock, met and agreed to be governed by such 
laws " as shall be thought most meet and con- 
venient for the general good of the colony." 

It has been well said, that the town meeting 
was the cause of Massachusetts' success, and 
will be the seed of Republican liberty forever. 
The Puritans governed by the town meeting, 
and so planted the seeds of liberty in the 
minds and hearts of the people. When Eng- 
land sought to subvert the principles estab- 
lished by their teachings, she resorted to arms. 
The sturdy colonist met the forces of the king 
on the battle-field, and the righteous cause 



8 ORATION. 

of freedom triumphed. "All republics in the 
world's history have failed but one; and this 
one is not the United States, but 'New Eng- 
land." 

A distinguished adopted son of America 
draws this comparison between the J^orth and 
South: In the South, the settlers were wealthy 
and educated, blessed with a lovely climate and 
a rich and fruitful land. In the JN^orth, the 
Puritans, poor and fleeing from persecution, 
with no educational advantages, settled on a 
bleak and rocky coast ; yet the ^orth suc- 
ceeded where the South failed. 

Why ? Because with us all men were equal 
in social and civil rights, while in the South a 
class ruled the classes. The aristocratic slave- 
holder, with his social caste, his wealth, and 
the Southern system of county meetings, which, 
owing to their territorial extent, the people 
could not attend, (instead of the Northern sys- 
tem of town meetings,) stifled the voice of the 
people. The South was an oligarchy. In the 
North the people ruled, and kept alive the fire 
of liberty. The War of the Rebellion cleansed 
the South of its sores, and sjjread the Northern 
spirit of liberty and government by the people, 
throughout the land. 



JULY4,18 9 2. 9 

" From the day the war between the IS^orth 
and South was at an end, dates the beginning- 
of our country as a nation." Puritan town 
meeting, born in the cabin of the " Mayflowei*," 
nurtured on the sterile soil of Massachusetts, 
led to the Declaration of Independence, kept 
alive the spirit of freedom, conquered the South, 
and made of us a united and undivided people. 
Yet, strange to say, here in our old common- 
wealth, where the town meeting was born, the 
sons of the sires who, by the sacrifice of their 
lives, gave it to the world, seek to subvert 
and wipe away forever the grand monument 
which their fathers raised. 

The State has her duty, and the towns theirs ; 
and when the State seeks to subvert the towns, 
the foundation of the people's freedom is de- 
stroyed, and the principle which has made New 
England great, and her sons renowned the land 
over, is forever broken. 

Our country owes much to Washington. He 
was the personification of what an American 
citizen-soldier should be. When, on his inaugural 
as the first President of the United States, it 
was proposed to have military escort, his reply 
(shall it ever be forgotten?) — "I require no guard 
but the affection of the people." 



10 ORATION. 

His strong, patriotic hands at the helm, guided 
the Ship of State while young, until she had 
grown strong and able to withstand more suc- 
cessfully the storm that raged around her. I am 
of the opinion, that the result of the contest as 
to what form of government should be adopted, 
was, when we consider the times and the cir- 
cumstances, a happy solution of what might have 
been the ruin of the land. 

On one side we had Hamilton, able and bril- 
liant, advocating a strong central government, 
modelled on the Old World monarchies. On the 
other side, Jefferson, whose name is linked, in 
imperishable renown, with the Declaration of In- 
dependence. 

He urged a system which would be less cen- 
tralizing, and one which would protect the rights 
of the people. With an acrimony and a display 
of bad blood which, even in our time when 
political strife runs riot, seems astonishing, the 
issue was fought. It would appear that the re- 
sult arrived at was far below that demanded by 
the supporters of the so-called Hamiltonian theory. 
Our system of government as finally adopted, 
with its Executive possessing the power of veto, 
its Senate made up by a representation of two 
from each State elected by the State legislature, 



JULY4,1892. 11 

and the House of Kepreseiitatives elected by 
the people, constituting the central government, 
and a local government in the hands of the re- 
spective States, seems to be as near perfection, 
if results count for anything, as the mind of 
man can conceive. For over a century it has 
stood the rude shocks of political strife, and even 
bloody war, and through all, it has come out 
unscathed and stronger, more stable than ever. 

When the United States became a fact on this 
hemisphere, she alone was a people's government. 
The flags of Spain, France, England, and Por- 
tugal floated over vast domains. The genius of 
Jefferson acquired for us, from France, Louisiana 
and the vast territory of the West. Spain ceded 
to us Florida, and from Mexico we obtained 
the coast of the Pacific. Mexico and South 
America, territorial possessions of Spain, flung 
off" the control of the mother country, and the 
people set up governments of their own. On 
the north Canada lies, nominally under English 
rule, yet so tinctured with the desire for free- 
dom, that by a hair she hangs suspended be- 
tween her past and her longed-for future. 

The 'New World is practically free to-day, 
governed by the people. The example of the 
American republic has done this. We are the 



12 ORATION. 

personification of liberty enlightening the world. 
The wave of freedom which onr Declaration of 
Independence started, stopped not on our shores, 
but crossed the broad Atlantic to lands where 
kings ruled. France felt the aspirations of 
liberty, and sought to attain it, and all the 
horrors of the French Revolution burst upon an 
luihappy country. 'No man can help but de- 
plore the excesses of that bloody event. In 
the name of liberty, crimes were done unspeak- 
able, but not with its sanction. As the rulers 
of France sowed, "so did they reap ; " for 
"tyranny and anarchy are never far asunder." 
In the light of to-day, all will say that the 
people were the gainers in the end. "Revolu- 
tions never go backwards ; political convulsions, 
like geological upheavings, usher in new epochs 
of the world's progress." 

In the early days of Europe, a band of men 
came together, and the strongest was made 
chief. A number of chiefs made one from 
among them king of all. Even then, there still 
was some voice and freedom for the people. 
Standing armies came, and whatever voice the 
people had, seemed hushed forever, until, clarion- 
like, America sent her message of freedom across 
the vast ocean, and awoke the enslaved millions of 



JULY 4, 1892. 13 

Europe. In every land there, the rulers, by so- 
called divine right, made concessions to the 
people. Step by step, up the heights of liberty 
the masses toiled ; lower and lower came the 
power of the classes. ISTow, absolute monarchies 
are things of the past. 

'Not content with aspirations after liberty, the 
people seem to be content only with our form 
of government. Where they ado]3ted it in its 
entirety, they have stability. Where they wander 
in new fields seeking to improve on us, there 
they have lost strength. I know of nothing 
which illustrates so much the complete change 
which has taken place, as the case of Bel- 
gium, the dark and bloody ground which the 
allied Idngdoms set apart, and said should be 
forever neutral. 

They run a sort of democracy there. On 
their voting-list appears the family name of Leo- 
pold, their ruler; then his occupation, "King." 
And Leopold walks up, like the meanest of his 
subjects, and deposits his ballot, whenever an 
election is held. 

England, once ruled by the king and the 
nobility, with the voice of the people silent, is 
fast verging toward democracy. Following in 
our footsteps, the right to vote has been given 



14 ORATION. 

to millions of her sons. Ireland, her sister 
kingdom, once groaning under the yoke of op- 
pression, held as a conquered province, is, in 
our day, standing in the light. The shadow of 
the past has gone; the great commoner, Glad- 
stone, representing the English people, fights 
his battles of refoi'm with this motto inscribed 
upon his banner : " Home Rule for Ireland." 
Truly the voice of the people is potent, and the 
desire for freedom strong in the hearts of all, 
when an English ministry seeks to right the 
wrongs of Erin, after seven centuries of perse- 
cution and penal laws. 

"When the American Revolution burst upon the 
world, in Ireland four-fifths of the people (being 
Catholics) were not allowed to vote, were de- 
prived of every privilege — even, as a distin- 
guished Englishman said, that of breathing the 
pure air of heaven. A century of American 
freedom has broken the fetters upon her limbs, 
lifted her from bondage, and at the gates of 
freedom she stands waiting the next call, which 
will admit her to the promised land. 

The growth of democracy in England, means 
to the thinking minds of the world, the com- 
plete revolution of the present system of gov- 
erning. American methods are slowly supplanting 



JULY4,1892. 15 

the European systems. Yesterday it was the 
extension of the ballot, to-day the abolition of 
the House of Lords, and to-morrow monarchy 
itself. The lords, while a majority of them are 
Conservatives, would not dare to vote against a 
measure passed by a Liberal majority in Parlia- 
ment. Once the rulers, now they but register 
the people's will. 

Such is the strength of the people, it is im- 
possible for England to much longer continue a 
system which places all the land in the hands 
of a few men. 

A democracy of aristocracy owning the land, 
can live while they control, but a democracy 
composed of peers and people, with the latter 
in the majority, can only end in one way, 
namely, the eventual taking of full power by 
the people. 

When Germany, flushed with her victory over 
France, made a government which united the 
Teutons under one empire, she turned for a model 
to us, and in her alliance of different kingdoms 
she followed as closely as she could the United 
States. France, striving for freedom, pauses half- 
way up the height. Her strength is where she 
models after us, her weakness where she follows 
monarchical institutions of the past. The one 



16 ORATION. 

thing which prevents France showing her weak- 
ness more than she does, is the fact that her 
land is divided among so many milhons of her 
people, and thus their interests and the country's 
are identical. 

" Earth is thrilliug with new aspirations, 
Bursting the fetters which bar and band." 

N^ot by physical, but by moral force, do the 
people progress and gain their victories; slowly, 
yet with irresistible force, the cause of the many 
is successful against that of the few. Yet a little 
while and our example will be almost universal, 
and Europe, once the bulwark of monarchy, ruled 
by "king, prelate, and peer," will be "a govern- 
ment of the people, for the peojile, and by the 
people." The United States is in better condition 
since 1865, than she has been at any time during 
her history. Pessimists tell us of the degenerate 
present and the glorious past, the pigmy minds 
of to-day, and the great intellects of the days 
gone by. It is well to hold in sacred revei-ence 
all that pertains to that which has gone before 
in our country's glorious record; but we should 
be just to ourselves. They tell us that our 
climate is changing, that the Gulf Stream is near- 



JULY 4, 1892. 17 

ing us, and that the rigors of a ^ew England 
winter are no more. The record, the indisputable 
record, says no, and the memory of the oldest in- 
habitant is at fault. We have just as much snow 
and rain, we breathe the same air, are warmed 
by the same sun, and enjoy the same extremes 
of heat and cold as our fathers did before us. 

Modest candor compels us to say that we are 
at least as well educated, and, if the truth must 
be told, far better educated than they who lived 
twenty-five or fifty years ago. The inventive 
genius does not slumber in our time. With vast 
strides, we lead ever onward and upward. The 
great minds we have with us, average in capacity 
and power as great as those of the men whose 
places they fill. The patriotism of the people 
slumbers not. They love the land of their birth 
and adoption, as the fathers of old did. All her 
free institutions are dear to them; their proudest 
aim is to preserve pure and undefiled, the inherit- 
ance of liberty which their sires purchased with 
their blood. It is true and natural that the Ship 
of State does not always sail o'er a calm and 
tranquil sea, but she meets the waves and breasts 
them in safety. 

The dangers of the past have been the ques- 
tions of centralization and slavery. The danger 



18 ORATION. 

from the first has been minimized, and the lat- 
ter has been wiped away forever. It is true it 
cost us the blood of our best and bravest 
sons. Yet was it not worth the sacrifice? The 
nation has been the gainer. The one burning 
question that divided the people has been oblit- 
erated, and the unity of the nation under one 
flag assured forever. Alarmists tell us that our 
liberties are threatened by corporations, trusts 
which are aggregations of corporations, and the 
centralization of wealth in the hands of the 
few. It is true that some of these are evils, 
and they do exist; but I notice that they are 
being considered by the people, and already in 
the West, elections have been fought and won 
upon some of these issues. 

The American people are slow and just; but 
when they realize a danger, the axe, like light- 
ning, falls on the evil, and the head rolls upon 
the scafibld. If our farmer-alliance movements 
are founded on justice, which public discussion 
and time will prove, I have an abiding faith 
in the people. They will cut the claws and 
draw the teeth of the tiger, which is feeding 
on the life-blood of the land. The people will 
see to it that the doctrine, the interest of the 
greatest number, shall prevail. 



JULY 4, 1892. 19 

On the question of immigration, which some 
claim as an evil, the present laws would seem 
to meet the exigencies of the case. Our gates 
are open to all who, with honest hearts and will- 
ing hands, come to our shores determined to sup- 
port all our institutions, to live and abide here, 
they and their children, forever, as citizens of 
our rejjublic. 

We are all immigrants here, or their descend- 
ants. Some came early, some late. To the 
Saxon, the Teuton and Celt, exiles who settled 
here, the men of all lands, our country owes 
its existence. All races of all climes have done 
their part. Without indulging in invidious dis- 
tinctions, or making any claims to the great- 
ness of this or that race over another, it is 
but natural for me, the son of an Irish immi- 
grant, to pause for a moment over the Ameri- 
can history of that remarkable people. Of the 
early settlers, they formed a large part. In- 
deed, in Irish legends, it is claimed that before 
the l^orseman or Columbus, an Irish monk, St. 
Brendin, discovered America; and the claim is 
supported by documentary proof in the ancient 
archives at Paris and Berlin. Before the Re- 
volutionary War Ireland sent messages, and 
held meetings throughout the land, sympathiz- 



20 ORATION. 

ing with the colonists, and they in turn sent 
communications explaining their position. Frank- 
lin, writing from London, says : " All Ireland 
is strongly in favor of the American cause. 
They have reason to sympathize with us." Of 
the signers of the Declaration of Independence, 
twelve were of Irish blood or descent. At 
Bunker Hill, in one company of New Hamp- 
shire militia, which defended the rail fence, there 
were seventy-one Irishmen. The countersign, 
when the British evacuated Boston in 1775, 
was " St. Patrick; " the commanding ofiicer of 
the day. General Sullivan. 

The Irish swarmed in the American army on 
sea and on land; and, whether in the snow and 
hardships of Valley Forge, or on the victorious 
field of Yorktown, they fought bravely and died 
nobly for our independence. In all the days of 
our history since then until now, the men of 
Irish blood, whether in the busy walks of life, 
in the forum of the people's councils, or on 
the bloody field of war, have nobly done their 
duty. It is nature for us, through whose veins 
flows the bright Celtic blood, to keep in our 
hearts their memory ever fresh and green, and 
to feel that their achievements are among the 
brightest and most renowned in the annals of 



JULY 4, 1892. 21 

our glorious country. We have brought here 
soldiers to fight, men of brawn and brain to 
build up the country, " eloquent of tongue," with 
a love of God in their hearts. We have 
brought mothers for the future American race. 
With truth the poet sings: 

"No treason we bring from Erin, nor bring we shame nor 

guilt ; 
The sword we grasp may be broken, but we have not dropped 

the hilt; 
The wreath we bear Columbia is twisted of thorns, not bays, 
And the songs we sing are saddened by the thoughts of 

desolate days : 
But the hearts we bring for freedom are washed in a surge 

of tears, 
And we claim our right by a people's fight outliving a 

thousand years." 

What has America done for us? She has 
given us opportunities for progress in all the 
walks of life, the right to bend the knee at 
the altar where our fathers worshipped since the 
days of holy Patrick, and the right to pray 
according to the dictates of our consciences, for 
doing which our kindred walked in the " valley 
of the shadow of death " for centuries ; but 
greater than them all, for it includes them all, 



22 ORATION. 

the rights of freedom. We realize the blessing 
we have gained. For that we were at Bunker 
Hill ; for that our blood has been shed on every 
field of battle where the sacred rights of liberty 
have been imperilled ; for that the bones of the 
sons of Ireland lie whitening in the soil of 
every State, awaiting the call of the last day. 
When they died, it was that a nation might be 
saved. 

The country has had its " isms " in the past, 
but they are gone. The thinking men realize 
that our soil is unfit to nurture " isms " that 
divide the various races. Our land is broad 
enough, and the folds of our flag wide enough, 
to hold and cover all. There should be no 
Celt, no Teuton, no Saxon in our public life — 
nothing but a healthy American "ism." Our 
boast should be like Webster's : that " we are 
Americans, we will live Americans, and we will 
die Americans ! " 

"Sail on ! O Ship of State ! 
Sail ou ! O Union, strong and great ! " 

America, " child of the earth's old age," long 
may thou be the pride and boast of the millions 
of thy children who from oppression have found 



JULY4,1892. 23 

a refuge on thy shores ! May the universal 
liberty of man be maintained forever within thy 
vast imperial realm, and may thou ever be first 
star of the firmament, fii*st gem of the sea ! 



A LIST 



BOSTON MUNICIPAL ORATORS. 



By C. W. ERNST. 



BOSTON ORATORS. 

Appointed by the Municipal Authorities. 



For the Anniversary of the Boston Massacre, March 5, 1770. 

Note. — The Fifth-of-March orations were piibliehed in handsome quarto editions, now 
very scarce; also, in book form, in 1785, and again in 1807. The oration of 1776 was de- 
livered in Watertown. 

1771. — LovELL, James. 

1772. — Warren, Joseph. 

1773. — Church, Benjamin. 

1774. — Hancock, John. 

1775. — Warren, Joseph. 

1776. — Thacher, Peter. 

1777. — Highborn, Benjamin. 

1778. — Austin, Jonathan Williams. 

1779. — Tudor, William. 

1780. — Mason, Jonathan, Jun. 

1781. — Dawes, Thomas, Jun. 

1782. — MiNOT, George Richards. 

1783. — Welsh, Thomas. 



For the Anniversary of National Independence, July 4, 1776. 

Note. — A collected edition, or a full collection, of these orations has not been made. 
For the names of the orators, as oflicially printed on the title pages of the orations, see 
the Municipal Register of 1890. 

1783. — Warren, John.^ 

1784. — Highborn, Benjamin. 

1 Reprinted in Warren's Life. The orations of 1783 to 1786 were published in large 
quarto; the oration of 1787 appeared in octavo; the oration of 1788 was printed in small 
quarto; all succeeding orations appeared in octavo, with the exceptions stated under 1863 
and 1876. 



28 APPENDIX. 

1785. — Gardiner, John. 

1786. — Austin, Jonathan Loring. 

1787. — Dawes, Thomas, Jun. 

1788. — Otis, Harrison Gray. 

1789. — Stillman, Samuel. 

1790. — Gray, Edward, 

1791. — Crafts, Thomas, Jun. 

1792. — Blake, Joseph, Jun,^ 

1793. — Adams, John Quincy, 

1794. — Phillips, John. 

1795. — Blake, George. 

1796. — Lathrop, John, Jun. 

1797. — Callender, John. 

1798. — (Quincy, Josiaii.^ 

1799. — Lowell, John, Jun.^ 

1800. — Hall, Joseph. 

1801. — Paine, Charles. 

1802. — Emerson, William. 

1803. — Sullivan, William, 

1804. — Danforth, Thomas.* 

1805. — Button, Warren, 

1806. — Channing, Francis Dana,* 

1807. — Thacher, Peter.*' ' 

1808. — Ritchie, Andrew, Jun.* 

1809. — Tudor, William, Jun." 
1810. — TowNSEND, Alexander. 
1811. — Savage, James.* 

2 Passed to a second edition. 

3 Delivered another oration in 1826. Quincy's oration of 1798 was reprinted in Phila- 
delphia. 

^ Not printed. 

"■' On Fehriiary 26, 1811, Peter Thacher's name was changed to Peter Oxenbridge 
Thacher. (List of Persons whose Names have been Changed in Massachusetts, 1780-1883, 
p. 23.) 



APPENDIX. 29 

1812. — Pollard, Benjamin.* 

1813. — LivERMORE, Edward St. Loe. 

1814. — Whitwell, Benjamin. 

1815. — Shaw, Lemuel. 

1816. — Sullivan, George. '^ 

1817. — Channing, Edward Tyrrel. 

1818. — Gray, Francis Calley. 

1819. — Dexter, Franklin. 

1820. — Lyman, Theodore, Jun. 

1821. — LoRiNG, Charles Greeley.' 

1822. — Gray, John Chipman. 

1823. — Curtis, Charles Pelham. 

1824. — Bassett, Francis. 

1825. — Sprague, Charles. '^ 

1826. — QuiNCY, Josiah.'' 

1827. — Mason, William Powell. 

1828. — Sumner, Bradford. 

1829. — Austin, James Trecothick. 

1830. — Everett, Alexander Hill. 
1831. — Palfrey, John Gorham. 

1832. — QuiNCY, JosiAii, Jun. 

1833. — Prescott, Edward Goldsborough. 

1834. — Fay, Richard Sullivan. 

1835. — HiLLARD, George Stillman. 

1836. — Kinsman, Henry Willis. 

1837. — Chapman, Jonathan. 

1838. — WiNSLOW, Hubbard. "The Means of the Per- 

petuity and Prosperity of our Republic." 

1839. — Austin, Ivers James. 



^A sixth edition appeared in 1831. Reprinted also in his Life and Letters. 
' Reprinted in his Municipal History of Boston. 



30 APPENDIX. 

1840. — Power, Thomas. 

1841. — CuKTis, George Ticknor. " The True Uses 

of American Revolutiouary History." ** 

1842. — Mann, Horace.® 

1843. — Adams, Charles Francis. 

1844. — Chandler, Peleg Whitman. " The Morals of 

Freedom." 

1845. — Sumner, Charles.'" " The True Graucleur of 

Nations." 

1846. — Webster, Fletcher. 

1847. — Cart, Thomas Greaves. 

1848. — Giles, Joel. "Practical Liberty." 

1849. — Greenough, William Whitwell. " The Con- 

quering Republic." 

1850. — Whipple, Edwin Percy." " Washington and 

the Principles of the Revolution." 

1851. — Russell, Charles Theodore. 

1852. — King, Thomas Starr. (First printed in 1892.) 

1853. — BiGELOw, Timothy.'^ 

1854. — Stone, Andrew Leete,* 

1855. — Miner, Alonzo Ames. 

1856. — Parker, Edward Griffin. " The Lesson of 

'76 to the Men of '56." 
1857. — Alger, Wij^liam Rounseville.'^ "The Genius 
and Posture of America." 

» Delivered another oration in 1862. 
" There are four editions. 

Ji* Passed through three editions in Boston and one in London, and was answered in 
a pamphlet, Remarks upon an Oration delivered by Charles Sumner . . . , July 4th, 
1845. By a Citizen of Boston (said to be George Putnam, D.D.). 

" There is a second edition. (Boston: Ticknor, Reed, and Fields. ISM. 49 pp. 12".) 

■2 This and a number of the succeeding orations, up to 1801, contain the speeches, 
toasts, etc., of the City dinner usually given in Faneuil Hall on the Fourth of July. 

>3 As many as four editions were printed in 1857. (Boston : Office Boston Daily Bee. 
60 pp.) Not until November 22, 1804, was Mr. Alger asked by the City to furnish a 



APPENDIX. 31 

1858. — Holmes, John Somers.* 

1859. — SujiNER, George.'^ 

1860. — Everett, Edward. 

1861. — Parsons, Theophilus. 

1862. — Curtis, George Ticknor. 

1863. — Holmes, Oliver Wendell. ^^ 

1864. — Russell, Thomas. 

1865. — Manning, Jacob Merrill. "Peace under Lib- 

erty." 

1866. — , LoTHROP, Samuel Kirkland. 

1867. — Hepworth, George Hughes. 

1868. — Eliot, Samuel. " The Fuuctions of a City." 

1869. — Morton, Ellis Wesley. 

1870. — Everett, William. 

1871. — Sargent, Horace Binney. 

1872. — Adams, Charles Francis, Jujj. 

1873. — Ware, John Fothergill Waterhouse, 

1874. — Frothingham, Richard. 

1875. — Clarke, James Freeman. 

1876. — Winthrop, Robert Charles.'*^ 

1877. — Warren, William Wirt. 

1878. — Healy, Joseph. 

1879. — Lodge, Henry Cabot. 

copy for publication. He granted the request, and the first official edition (J. B. Farwell 
& Co., 1S64. 53 pp.) was then issued. It lacks the interesting preface and appendix of 
the early editions. 

»* There is another edition. (Boston: Rockwell & Churchill, 1882. 46 pp.) It omits 
the dinner at Faueuil Hall, the correspondence and events of the celebration. 

i» There is an edition of twelve copies. (J. E. Farwell & Co., 1863. (7), 71 pp.) It 
is " the first draft of the author's address, turned into larger, legible type, for the sole 
purpose of rendering easier its public delivery." It was done by " the liberality of the 
City Authorities," and is, typographically, the handsomest of these orations. There is 
also a 75-page edition, printed from the same type as the 71-page edition, but in a 
changed make-up. The regular edition is in 60 pp., octavo size. 

16 There is a large-paper edition of fifty copies printed from this type, and also an 
edition from the press of John Wilson & Son, 1876. 55 pp. 8". 



32 APPENDIX. 

1880. — Smith, Robert Dickson.'^ 

1881. — Warren, George Washington. " Our Repub- 

lic — Liberty and Equality Founded on Law." 

1882. — Long, John Davis. 

1883. — Carpenter, Henry Bernard. "American Char- 

acter and Influence." 

1884. — Shepard, Harvey Newton. 

1885. — Gargan, Thomas John. 

1886. — Williams, George Frederick. 

1887. — Fitzgerald, John Edward. 

1888. — DiLLAWAY, William Edward Lovell. 

1889. — Swift, John Lindsay.'^ " The American Cit- 

izen." 

1890. — PiLLSBURY, Albert Enoch.'* " Public Spirit." 
1891. — QuiNCY, JosiAH.'^ "The Coming Peace." 
1892. — MuRi'HY, John R. 



t' On Samuel Adams, a statue of whom, by Miss Anne Whitney, had just been com- 
pleted for the City. A photograph of the statue is added. 

18 Contains a bibliography of Boston Fourth of July orations, from 1783 to 1889, 
inclusive, compiled by Lindsay Swift, of the Boston Public Library. 

10 Contains the bibliographical foot-notes by C. W. Ernst, Esq., which are here re- 
printed. 



